BALANCE PATRIOTICO VICENTE HUIDOBRO PDFBALANCE PATRIOTICO VICENTE HUIDOBRO PDF

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A Ponularg Antofapastag I-lowever, despite the existence of the CEN9 local sections appear to have gone very much their own way. Statutul Uniunii Tineretului Comunist Documents. Of the 14 membersp only the two already mentioned are identtfiable as opt: Rut by earlythis argument was ptariotico, thin since the government had few concrete achievements to its c red it and If urthe more 9a9 it, f’l at ion a ry pres su re s i!

The Comin- tern predicted that the war would lead to a shnrp increase in class anta? But, duringinflation causedq in the maing by govern- ment fiscal policies and the rising price of imports began to take hold. See, for example, his draft constitution for a Federal Socialist Republic of Chile, reproduced in Julio ; eise Gonzlez ‘riistoria de Chile, pn”. Partly as a result of’ the bitter and intransigent opposition of the Right, Aguirre Cerda began to retreat from Popular Front goals and policies and the old rivalries and tensions Inside and between the frentista parties re-enierged with fresh vigouro By early the PS had split over the vivente of continued particil a- tion in the government and the PR had forced the first of several cabinet crises on the government without informinp 9 Allende’s Chile Londonp p 91 iee Ricardo Donosolop.

Accordinp to the Cominterng the Second World War, like the First, was the oroduct of rivalry betweon competing imperialisuisq neither vicete which desorved tile syli, patriootico or sup- port of the working classes. Although most strikes were settled peacefully and quickly by direct negotiation between employer and employee without government intervention, others dragged on for long periods and some ended in bloodshed.

One vicete the major reasons for the relatively short life of the resistance society and the mancomunal was their involvement in strike actions. However, while the resistance society and the mancomunal were influential amongst certain sectors of workers, they do not appear to have huiodbro a long life.

Firstq because Alessan- dri continued to give grounds for fears that democracy was in dangere Secondlyt because the Ptriotico regarded the Front as essentially an amplification of the Block, a de- clared objective of the PS before the formation of the Fronto and they could find no good reason for opposing huidoro form which that expansion finally took.

Views View Edit History. They placed formidable obstacles in his nath.

Balance patriótico: A propósito de la balanza huidobriana

The brothel and the tavern rather than the church and the school were the dominant social organisations. Howeverg it seems likely that the POS in Tarapaca had a membership of between and in and by had grown to some members.

In the first place, the war exacerbated Chile’s economic diffic- ulties causing unemployment and rises in the cost of living which fuelled worker unrest which the PCCh was increasingly reluctant to contain. Howeverg it did serve to redirect the party’s atten- tion to the fact that the goal of the Popular Front strategy was nothing less than the economic and social transformation of Chile and its liberation from imperialist tutelage and it was partly because of this renewed concern with fundamental objec- tive3 that the PCCh began to move away from the policy of un- conditional support for the government.

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Fstadfstica Chilena JuneplOO. While thereq re-activatod the CH Coquimbo and becante its secretary.

Party Comunist

Firstly, the Chilean Armed Forces had the power to accuse and, through their own balnce, to judge those who offended aiainst their dignity or who attempted to subvert discipline. But before proceeding to examine the POS and its development, mention must be made of the man who came to dominate working class politics in the second decade of this century and who is considered, to this day, to be the most prominent figure produced by the Chilean working class move- ment.

The Gran Federaci6n Obrera do Chile GFOCh was founded in by workers of various trades emnloyed by the state railways whol assisted by Conservative lawyersq launched a campaign to retrieve adeduction from their wa! The same evidence also suggests that the darker speculations which sorne commentators have made on the PCCh’s ‘real reasons for refusinp cabinet office arn irrelevant. The reasons for the FOChla decline were several.

Other wkiters have su,, gested t1at FWAI Inew- bership roached as as , in the s- arly s. Like its neighbours, Chile had emerged from its struggle for independence from Spain impoverished and plagued by civil war. In the first placeg it has been claimed that the twelve votes case against the motion represented some 40Oo of the membershipe Secondlyp there is some evidence to stigrest that those who were deeply opposed to affiliation to the ISR had already withdrawn from the FOCh – cortainly, this was the case of some conservative railworkers who left immediately after IL04 Federaci6n Obrera See Huifobro ter 69 PP Articles in that newspaper attributed Hidalgo’s expulsion to nersonal malice and to his refusal to find municipal jobs balajce the relatives of some of his ooponeats.

The PS decided to drop Schnakels candidacy and to support hery – nott howeverg without signs of bad grace.

Sees for exatuole, -I. Inafter quarrelling over an balnace matter with other members of the socialist faction of the PD in Santiago, Recabarren withdrew to Tarapac where he proceeded to found another newspaper in Iquique and to reorganise the PD in that province in preparation for the 1larch congressional elections. Thusy at various stages during the political crises of the early s, the PCCh expressed its determination to avoid civil war at all costs while the FOCh9 when approached by the PR to launch a general strike against the military in the early days after the September golpeg insisted on guarantees, Firstp it demanded a large sum of money to feed the strikers andq secondq legitimacy -a strike call from Congress – before it would act, 14 From huidorbo beginning the PCCh appears to have been ruled by its huicobro caution rather than its revolutionary romanticism.

Secretary, CR Santiago With economic growth came social change; new elites emerged whose wealth was not based primarily on land but on banking and commerce; new middle sectors – professional men, functionaries and businessmen – appeared in response to the baance of an increasingly complex economy and, at the lower end of uuidobro social scale, a new urban artisan class began to form.

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As a member of the Popular Front coalition, the PCCb was able to operate with a considerable degree of free- dom from harassment by the authoritiesp inake effective contact with broader sectors of the communityq increase its inember- ship and electoral support and imnrove its organisation.

Inthe socialists managed to capture control of the PD for a brief period but the reglamentarios and doctrinarios combined to break their hold. Firstlyp It seems very nrobable that the termination of the PGCh1s asso- ciation with the government was part of the price which Chile bad to nay for the US economic aid which Schnake had helped to negotiate.

The PCCh’s increasinfrly hard line policies were a direct threat to the PsIs influence at a time when the cost of living was accelerating and when congressional elections were fast approaching. In line with previous practicag the PCCh coneressmen were instructed to pay their salaries into the Party Treasury and they recelved rather less than half back in waiges, The PCCh’s membership probably did not grow quite so rapidly as its electoral Support between and Firstlyq because it was necessary to show the rank and file Socialist that all reasonable efforts had’been made to secure the nomina- tion for Grove -a man of great ijersonal porularity inside the PSe Secondq and more important, it was a useful way of impressing on the PR Its indebtedness to the PS – an indebtedness which could be converted into concrete relvards should Aguirre Cerda win the election.

Software used Picasa Exif version 2. The PCCh made it clear before the presidential elections that it would hot play a dominantovernment formed as the result of a frentista role in any p victory nor would it accept cabinet office and when Aguirre Cerda did invite the PCCh to serve in his government in December the party refused.

At the same timeg it appears that Radical and Communist leaders continued to have secret negotiations with Ibifiez until Sep- tember when events intervened once again to solve the problem.

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Patriotido the first places many socialistsp particularly those on the nitrate pampas shared the anarchist antipathy towards electoral politics andq althou. Generally, it was organised on a trade basis, was not political in a partisan sense and was not concerned with fighting employers for better pay and conditions.

Frente Popular 1 Recabarren was incensed particularly by the bxlance of some GFOCh consejos. Article by Rudolfo Borzutsky. Federaci6n rera 7o; Probably member of the CC and the Political Commission from This influence manifested itself in a repugnance towards electoral and coalition politics andq on Occasion, eave rise to strtipirles between local FOCh and PCCh organisations in which the protagonists on both sides were Communists, Thuss vicenhe exai.

Perhaps nowhere is the process of the formation of working class consciousness better seen than in the nitrate provinces of Antofagasta and Tarapac.